Tag: culture

L-Integrità Kulturali tal-Belt Valletta

March 11, 2024 | Tberfil

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Fi ftit siegħat fit-taraġ ta’ Ġieżu, waħda mill-iktar toroq b’konnotazzjonijiet sagri fil-Belt Valletta, jumejn biss wara Jum il-Mara, inkixfet il-faċċata tal-Knisja irrestawrata u nkixef ukoll ġisem ta’ mara jitħaxken u jiżżeffen fuq puġġaman.

Fil-kapitali intilef kull sens ta’ għarfien dwar il-kuntest ta’ fejn ninsabu. Ħafna fost dawk li investew fil-Kapitali m’għandhom l-ebda sens ta’ għarfien tal-komunità u il-valuri intrinsiċi tagħha. Bħallikieku belt kapitali hija awtomatikament ħaruf tas-sagrifiċċju u trid tkun dejjem lesta tilqa’ fiha kull forma ta’ espressjoni. Fl-istess waqt fadal ftit li xejn sens ta’ pudur u li kieku mhux għax ġie mxerred vidjo tal-prestazzjoni taż-żeffiena burlesque Undine Laverve, ibqa’ ċert li ħadd ma kien ikun jaf x’ġara u ħadd ma kien jgħajjat għall-iskandlu għax l-udjenza li attendiet dehret aljenata mingħajr ebda sens ta’ fejn tinsab.

Ma nixtieqx nitkellem fuq morali u filwaqt li nagħraf li l-prestazzjoni erotika tal-burlesque hija forma artistika antika u rikonoxxuta madwar id-dinja kollha, imkien ma tisma’ li dawn il-prestazzjonijiet isiru f’żoni b’konnotazzjonijiet sagri f’perjodu taż-żmien li huwa sagru għall-komunità tal-lokal. F’inċidenti bħal dan toħroġ ċara r-realtà li s-sidien ta’ dawn l-istabbilimenti lanqas biss jafu fejn investew flushom, jew jekk jafu, m’għandhomx rispett lejn il-kultura u l-valuri intrinsiċi tal-lokal! Daqslikieku tinvesti flusek f’kafetterija ċkejkna fil-pjazza ta’ Hagia Sophia u torganiżża daqsxejn ta’ burlesque umli ma’ xi grada imżejna b’nofs qamar f’nofs ir-Ramadan! Dawn aspetti li anki jekk tistaqsi lil ChatGPT dwarhom, tirċievi risposti ċari.

Iżda l-ikbar skandlu fejn hu?

L-aljenazzjonijiet vasti kulturali li għandna fit-tmexxija lokali u nazzjonali tibqa’ tissorprendini. Filwaqt li l-investiment sabiex jidħlu jgħixu familji Maltin fil-kapitali huwa ineżistenti, jidher żbilanċ qawwi favur l-industrija tal-ikel, xorb u divertiment. L-unika industrija li għandha l-libertà tokkupa spazji pubbliċi lil hinn mill-ispazju investit, b’mod mill-aktar arroganti. Fejn qabel fil-Kapitali kont issib kull tip ta’ servizz li wieħed jimmaġina, minn tiswija ta’ strument mużikali sa xiri ta’ ħut frisk, illum il-Belt Valletta saret destinazzjoni għal min irid jiddeverti, jixrob u jiekol. Il-Gvern b’faqar ta’ pjanar, ma kellux ħila jipproponi skemi u inċentivi sabiex iħajjar industriji varji fil-kapitali u jkompli jżewwaq din il-Belt ġojjel b’ħajja residenzjali fejn jistgħu jitrawwmu tfal b’talent fuq naħa, u kummerċ varjat u vibranti fuq oħra. Il-Gvern jibqa’ jipperpetwa sistema ta’ governanza lokali msejsa fuq populiżmu u pjaċiri sabiex il-poter jibqa’ taħt kontroll ċentraliżżat.

Skandlu kbir daqs ta’ qablu huwa l-aljenazzjoni kbira li l-poplu jagħżel li jħaddan, speċifikament dik il-fazzjoni li tappoġġja b’għamad lill-partiti li jkunu fil-Gvern. Sintomu li kont inħossu minn qabel l-2013 iżda li issa, quddiem problemi bil-wisq aktar serji, kiber sforz il-klijenteliżmu li jirrenja. Dan is-sintomu wassal ħafna Beltin ikunu leali tant li jaraw iżda ma jammettux x’inhuma tassew in-nuqqasijiet u l-omertà ta’ min talab u kiseb ir-responsabbiltà li jmexxi l-Kapitali. Hawn Beltin fostna li lanqas jindunaw kif persuni li ilhom li xebgħu fil-kariga tagħhom fil-Kunsill Lokali, reġgħu qed joffru li jservu sabiex ma jiddiżappuntawx lill-Partit jew jissugraw itellfuh il-poter. L-aqwa l-Coffee Morning li fih għal żewġ pastizzi, koka, ftit żfin u żeglieg, jissaħħaħ il-jigsaw-puzzle maħdum apposta fejn kollox jibqa’ taħt il-kontroll tal-Partit u mhux tar-resident.

Meta quddiem l-għarfien tal-apatija li ħakmet lill-Belt Valletta, iljun stilla Beltija bħal sieħbi l-Maxi jistqarr li “Il-Beltin sirna nies bla b###”, tinduna li ma hemmx aktar x’tomgħod. Il-kxif tat-tempju u l-kxif tal-ġisem jiġu sekondarji quddiem il-kxif tar-ruħ li tilfet kull sens ta’ kburija fl-identità tagħha, sabiex isservi lil Ċesri.

Valletta’s Cultural Integrity

In a matter of hours on the stairway leading to Ta’ Ġieżu church, likely one of the Valletta streets deeply imbued with religious significance, the recently restored church facade was unveiled. Just two days after Women’s Day, a woman’s body was also unveiled, swaying and dancing on the stair railing.

In the capital, a pervasive lack of understanding of our surrounding context and circumstances persists. Many investors in the capital appear ignorant of the community and its inherent values. It seems as though a capital city is automatically expected to be a sacrificial offering, always accommodating all forms of expression. Simultaneously, there is a glaring absence of modesty. Were it not for the dissemination of a video featuring burlesque dancer Undine Laverve’s performance, the incident would have gone unnoticed since the audience seemed detached, unaware of the setting they occupied while sipping their red wine.

I refrain from delving into moral discussions, acknowledging that burlesque is a recognized ancient artistic form globally. However, it is unusual to encounter such performances in areas steeped in sacred symbolism during times revered by the local community. These occurrences underscore the harsh reality that the proprietors of these establishments either lack awareness of the locations they invest in, or if they do, show no regard for the intrinsic culture and values of the area. It’s comparable to investing in a quaint café in Hagia Sophia square and arranging a modest burlesque event adorned with crescent decorations during Ramadan—a worrysome scenario that even a simple inquiry to ChatGPT would yield thoughtful insight.

The most significant scandal within this entire narrative lies in the profound cultural disconnection evident in local and national leadership. While investment in Maltese families within the capital is virtually nonexistent, there’s a glaring imbalance favoring the food, drink, and entertainment industry. The only industry enjoying the freedom to arrogantly occupy public spaces beyond their premises. Once a hub of diverse services, Valletta has morphed into a destination solely catering to those seeking entertainment and indulgence. The government’s planning inadequacies have impeded the proposal of schemes and incentives to attract various industries that could foster a city adorned with residential life on one hand and a diverse, vibrant trade on the other.

Another scandal lies in the profound alienation in which certain segments of the populace persist, particularly those who blindly support the ruling party. A symptom I’ve observed since before 2013, but now exacerbated by the pervasive clientelism. This symptom has led many of us to remain so loyal that we turn a blind eye to wrongdoing, refusing to acknowledge the shortcomings and silence of those entrusted with leading the capital. Some among us have relinquished the capacity to recognize how individuals who have held office in the Local Council offer to serve again only to avoid disappointing the Party or risk having the Party losing the power. All for a coffee morning swaying and dancing where the meticulously crafted illusion remains under the Party’s control, rather than serving the residents, all for the nominal price of two pastizzi and a Coca-Cola.

In the face of widespread apathy in Valletta, my friend Maxi, an iconic figure, solemnly declares, “We have become people without balls,” revealing there is little left to ponder. Uncovering temples and bodies fades in significance compared to the exposure of souls who have forsaken all sense of pride in the identity of Valletta in order to serve Caesar.

Ħobża jew dinjità

November 16, 2023 | Tberfil

(An English version can be read below the Maltese)

Qed ngħixu kummiedja. Qed ngħixu żminijiet fejn d-deċiżjonijiet li nieħdu huma ikkundizzjonati mill-popolarità iktar milli mis-sugu ta’ dak li jiġi mwettaq. Lill-Malti spiss issibu japplawdi inizjattivi idjoti u jiċċelebrahom bħala ‘milestone’ fl-istorja ta’ ħajtu sforz l-immedjata popolarità jew ix-xewqa li jkun assenjat tron f’xi olimpu fittizju. Dan mingħajr ma jagħraf in-narrativa tal-ingann li fl-aħħar snin ixxeblek mal-valuri intrinsiċi li kienu jiddistingwuna bħala poplu u qed jifgahom.

Fil-kummentarju tiegħu tal-bieraħ filgħodu, Mario Aquilina; li jiena nqisu fost l-aqwa letturi li qatt kelli, spjega kif l-awtorità risponsabbli mis-settur ambjentali, mhux talli mhix tiprattika r-rwol tagħha ta’ tarka għall-ambjent iżda, għal raġunijiet varji, qed “tiffaċilita t-tkissir tal-ambjent”. Aquilina tkellem dwar kif it-tentattivi tiegħu sabiex jikkomunika mal-entità sfalu suf u ddixxerna dwar kif l-istituzzjoni fil-każ m’għandiex saħħa, m’għandiex riżorsi, jew m’għandiex volontà sabiex twettaq id-dmirijiet tagħha.

Wara dak li spjega b’tant reqqa Aquilina, sfajt ispirat naħseb, nixtarr u nitħadded dwar is-sintomu tas-serviliżmu li osservajt tul is-snin kemm matul il-ħidma tiegħi fis-settur pubbliku kif ukoll wara bħala ċittadin distanti mis-sistema. Is-sintomu tas-serviliżmu kontemporanju Malti huwa mżewwaq minn cocktail perfett ta’ populiżmu u dilettantiżmu u nħoss li huwa mxerred sew fl-entitajiet pubbliċi. Dan jista’ jiġi osservat f’varjetà ta’ realtajiet li minnhom xtaqt nosserva tlieta.

Forsi l-aktar evidenti huma mexxejja ta’ entitajiet pubbliċi li jemmnu b’ruħhom u ġisimhom li huwa sagrileġġ li tkun tarka għall-poplu u tmur kontra l-Gvern, jew agħar minn hekk, il-Partit fil-Gvern. Ħafna drabi dan il-kredu jiġi pperpetwat konxjament jew inkonxjament fuq il-ħaddiema tal-istess entità li frott l-ubbidjenza u l-bżonn ta’ introjtu, jagħżlu li jaqdfu b’lealtà fl-istess direzzjoni ideoloġika mingħajr ma jfittxu risposti għall-mistoqsijiet il-kbar li jittormentawhom fil-ħidma tagħhom. Dan iwassal għas-sitwazzjoni li semma Aquilina stess, fejn l-entità tispiċċa tkisser dak li suppost qegħda tistinka għalih.

Realtà oħra evidenti hija dik tal-varji premjazzjonijiet li ħafna entitajiet pubbliċi saru jorganizzaw. Entitajiet pubbliċi u kulturali varji jidentifikaw proġetti għal premjazzjoni billi joħroġu sejħa għal nominazzjonijiet. Wara l-fażi tan-nominazzjonijiet, dawk nominati jiġu ffiltrati sabiex fl-aħħar jiġu mħabbra l-uħud li jmorru għall-vot pubbliku li jaħtar rebbieħ finali. Dan il-proċess b’mod naturali jelimina ċ-ċans li artisti kritiċi lejn il-Gvern u artisti li mhux moħħhom biex jimlew il-karti sabiex jirċievu premju, jiġu rikonoxxuti.

Jekk kien mingħalik li xi artist lokali jinnomina lil xi artist kollega tiegħu, probabiltà kbira hi li sejjer żball. Huwa fatt magħruf li dawn it-tip ta’ premjazzjonijiet fis-settur kulturali ikunu imżewwqa minn nominazzjonijiet sottomessi mill-artisti stess jew it-tim tal-midja tagħhom sabiex huma jkomplu jkabbru l-profil medjatiku. Ħafna drabi r-rebbieħa jkunu dawk li l-aktar kellhom il-ħila jkabbru l-popolarità tagħhom fuq il-midja soċjali u fil-klikka relatata u mhux neċessarjament dawk li tassew wettqu l-aktar ħidma valida. Ħafna drabi l-proġetti nominati jkunu ġew iffinanzjati mill-istess entità li sa fl-aħħar tippremjahom! Parodija ikbar minn hekk? F’mumenti nissuspetta li ċertu entitajiet iħossuhom obbligati jirrikonoxxu jew jippremjaw lil xi proġetti sforz il-pressjoni medjatika li jkun hemm madwarhom u mhux neċessarjament għax hemm valur fil-ħidma.

Għalkemm fil-konċepiment tagħhom dawn il-proċessi seta kellhom l-intenzjoni rispettabbli tad-demokrazija, nemmen li fi żmienna, fejn kollox jitkejjel bil-likes, hemm bżonn li l-professjonisti fis-settur jinħallu mill-populiżmu u jerġgħu jibdew jinżlu fit-toroq jirriċerkaw, jidentifikaw u jixtarru artisti li jinsabu moħbija jaħdmu, jiskopru u jwettqu l-bidla permezz ta’ mezzi varji u mhux jippremjaw il-bajtra li taqa’. Hawn ukoll, inħoss li l-entitatjiet tal-arti u artistiċi għandhom id-dmir ikunu xprun u mhux xkiel għal min ġenwinament qed jistinka favur ideoloġija jew ħsieb soċjali u/jew kulturali aktar milli s-suċċess tiegħu nnifsu.

L-aħħar aspett li xtaqt nixħet dawl fuqu huwa dak tal-Kunsilli Lokali. Sistema diżinjata sabiex tfalli. Ma hemmx fejn iddur. In-nies li jitħajjru jkunu ta’ servizz matur fil-Kunsilli Lokali bis-sistema preżenti huma dawk l-uħud li jew għandhom ħobżhom maħbuż, jew jaqilawha tajjeb u jibqalhom ħafna ħin f’idejhom jew lesti jċedu l-impjieg u l-imħabbiet personali tagħhom.

Hawn ukoll is-sistema hija cocktail perfett ta’ populiżmu u dilettantiżmu. Ir-realtà ta’ ħafna kunsilliera u Sindki dilettanti mhux niskopriha jien. Il-Kunsill huwa l-“hobby” għal ħafna; biex jibqgħu popolari, jew forsi biex iħossuhom influwenti. Huwa fatt magħruf li f’ċertu lokalitajiet il-Kunsill jiffunzjona biss grazzi għall-kariga professjonali tas-Segretarju Ġenerali. Mill-bqija bi stipendju ta €200 fix-xahar, l-ebda kunsillier ma jixraqlu li jieħu intrigu tant importanti daqs, ngħidu aħna familtu jew il-karriera. Il-volontarjat nafu biżżejjed fejn nistgħu noffruh.

Għaldaqstant sakemm is-sistema politika tal-Kunsilli Lokali ma tiġix riveduta, nemmen li l-ebda professjonist serju li jaħdem mill-inqas 8 siegħat kuljum ma jista’ joffri l-maġġor parti ta’ ħinu għall-kawża tal-lokalità.  Il-fatt li meta ċempilt, l-Assoċjazzjoni tal-Kunsilli Lokali lanqas kellha l-kapaċità tipprovdi l-politika tal-Kunsilli Lokali, turini biżżejjed il-livell ta’ dilettantiżmu prattikat. Sadattant iżda, iċċelebrajna t-30 sena mit-twaqqif tal-Kunsilli Lokali… xejn xejn qassamna ftit premijiet oħra sabiex intaptpu fuq ftit spallel.

Nagħlaq billi nikkwota silta mill-kitba tal-Professur Henry Frendo “The long road to responsible government: Maltese politics and society under a nonrepresentative constitution 1903-1919” tal-1991 b’riferenza lejn Manwel Dimech: “Filwaqt li ffavorixxa lit-trade unions, filwaqt li kkastiga s-serviliżmu, appella lill-foqra biex ma jiskambjawx ħobża għad-dinjità tagħhom meta jiġu avviċinati minn xi uffiċjal tal-gvern: ‘għid lil dawk li jiġu jagħtuk ħobża li m’intix skjav jew bhima, li dak li trid mhuwiex il-ħobża tal-karità, imma l-ħobża bl-għaraq ta’ xbinek.’

A loaf for dignity

Malta exists in a parody of sorts – no two ways about it. We navigate times where decisions are shaped more by popularity than the actual value of our actions. There’s a tendency to applaud misguided initiatives, hailing them as personal milestones driven by immediate popularity or the aspiration to claim a metaphorical throne in a fictional Olympics. Unfortunately, this celebration occurs without a critical examination of the deceptive narrative that has emerged in recent years, eroding the intrinsic values that once set us apart as a people.

In his recent commentary, Mario Aquilina, one of the most esteemed lecturers I’ve had the privilege of learning from, discussed the environmental sector. He highlighted that the relevant authority, rather than acting as a protector of the environment, seems to be unintentionally or perhaps intentionally contributing to its degradation. Aquilina shared his frustrating experiences attempting to communicate with the concerned entity, revealing its apparent lack of strength, resources, or will to fulfill its responsibilities.

Aquilina’s insights prompted me to reflect on the symptom of servitude which I noticed both during my tenure in the cultural public sector and also later as an observer from outside the system. The contemporary servitude in Malta is a troubling mix of populism and amateurism, widespread within public entities. This is evident in various aspects of our reality of which I’d like to highlight a few.

One glaring example is the leaders of public entities who staunchly believe it is sacrilege to stand against the government or, worse, the ruling party. This mindset often permeates down to workers, who, driven by the need for income and the fruits of obedience, serve loyally without questioning the significant issues that trouble their souls. This leads to the situation Aquilina himself mentioned, where the entity ends up breaking down what it is supposed to be striving for.

A second noticeable issue that poses a challenge is the proliferation of awards in Malta’s cultural scene. Public entities value the contributions to the arts by seeking nominations for potential projects. After nominations, there’s an internal filtering process, and finally, the public votes to decide the winner. Regrettably, this approach inherently reduces opportunities for artists critical of the government, those unwilling to compromise their principles for an award, or those uninterested in bureaucratic paperwork and questioning to gain recognition.

Did you wonder if any artist nominates a fellow practitioner for consideration? Highly unlikely. It’s widely acknowledged that awards in the cultural sector often suffer from nominations submitted by artists themselves or their media teams, aiming to boost their media profile. Frequently, the winners are those adept at growing their popularity on social media rather than those truly engaged in valuable work. Very often the nominated projects would have been funded by the entity that would be handling them the prize itself! There are indications as to how entities feel compelled to reward individuals due to their media reach rather than the intrinsic value of their work.

While these processes may have initially aspired to democratic ideals, the contemporary landscape, dominated by metrics like social media likes, calls for a departure from populism. Professionals in the sector should detach themselves from popular trends and actively hit the streets to conduct research, identify, and reflect on artists who may be hidden in the process of working, discovering, and effecting meaningful change across infinite media. It is essential to shift the focus away from rewarding those already in the limelight to recognizing the genuine contributors. There is a vital and urgent need for entities within the Arts and Culture to redefine their role. They should act as driving forces for those genuinely dedicated to ideology, social impact, and cultural enrichment, rather than self-centric success.

The third and final aspect I wish to highlight pertains to Local Councils—a system designed for failure. Those inclined to provide a responsible service in Local Councils within the current system are often those whose livelihoods have been accomplished, those with secure financial standings and ample time in hand, or those prepared to forsake their careers and personal pursuits.

Here again, the system presents a potent blend of populism and amateurism. The prevalence of amateur councillors and Mayors is a reality that doesn’t escape notice. For many, serving on the Council is more of a “hobby”—a means to maintain popularity or perhaps to feel influential. It’s widely acknowledged that in certain localities, the Council’s functionality relies heavily on the professional office of the Secretary-General. Given the meager stipend of €200 per month, it’s hardly fair to expect councillors to engage in matters as significant as their families or careers. Volunteering has its place, but expecting such commitment with minimal compensation is a notable challenge.

So, unless the political system of local councils is overhauled, I firmly believe that no dedicated professional working elsewhere a minimum of 8 hours a day can allocate a significant and diligent amount of their time to the local cause.

The fact that the Local Councils’ Association couldn’t provide the Local Council’s policy when I reached out underscores the prevalent ambition to keep this structure at a level of amateurism. Meanwhile, we’ve celebrated the 30th anniversary of Local Councils, yet nothing substantial has been achieved beyond and despite the accolades and the trophies distributed the underlying issues have not been addressed.

I conclude by quoting an excerpt from Professor Henry Frendo’s writing “The long road to responsible government: Maltese politics and society under a nonrepresentative constitution 1903-1919” of 1991 with reference to Manwel Dimech: “Favouring trade unions, castigating servilism, he appealed to the poor not to exchange a loaf for their dignity when approached by some government official: ‘tell those who come to give you a loaf that you are not slaves or beasts, that what you want is not the loaf of charity, but the loaf by the sweat of your brow’.”

Tkissir ta’ identità

November 12, 2016 | Uncategorized

Dalgħodu qsamt din l-ittra ta’ sieħbi l-fotografu ġenjali Daniel Cilia f’ħakka t’għajn għax dherli li hekk kien xieraq. Illejla, xtaqt nesprimi ħsieb qasir – għax fuq il-midja soċjali, issib min joqmos farka.

X’faqar ta’ valuri soċjali qed inħaddnu f’dan il-pajjiż! Farka ta’ ġebla b’amministrazzjoni li temmen li ġaladarba twaddab tikka flus fuq xi festival jew anniversarju kulturali, tqis ruħha bla dnub u tintefa twaddab l-ewwel ġebla fuq kull preġju verġni li dan l-ispeċi ta’ ġens irnexxielu jrawwem bi tbatija tul eluf ta’ snin!
Inħossni tassew diżappuntat, speċjalment jien li bħal numru ta’ kollegi bis-sens, għandi l-pjaċir naħdem sabiex forsi nrawwmu ftit kburija fil-kultura ta’ dan il-poplu. Iva jkolli naqbel ma’ sieħbi James Vella Clark meta jgħid li “…in this country everyone is busy discussing Trump and America and here at ‘home’ we have a Planning Authority led by spineless cunts deprived of any basic sense of decency, aesthetics and respect. We act nostalgic when someone puts up old photos and postcards from the past but we are permitting the very same mistakes that destroyed what’s in those postcards.”
Xbajt f’pajjiż fejn kulħadd idur mal-lewża, jilgħabha tal-qaddis imma mbagħad fil-verità ħadd ma għandu l-bajd jaqbad il-barri minn qrunu. Xbajt b’poplu li la jaf u lanqas irid jirrispetta l-identità tiegħu; jekk qatt kellu. Xbajt b’poplu jimmasturba għal xi festival kulturali, jippoppa sidru fil-folla biex mingħalih ikun kulturalment sensittiv, jixrob tazza nbid wara oħra f’xi bar kuwl li fetaħ il-Belt, jeċita ruħu għall-artist barrani li jmiss, ibeżlaq f’termini diffiċli biex taparsi jifhem fil-kultura, umbagħad wara l-bank tax-xogħol matul il-ġimgħa ikun qed jippermetti kull tip ta’ sfeġju.
Xbajt u sinċerament ma narax soluzzjonijiet qalb din l-apatija. It-titlu ta’ din l-ittra lill-Editur minn Daniel Cilia huwa tassew f’waqtu – u nażżarda ngħid, iktar wiesgħa u traġiku minn kemm jidher f’dan il-każ partikolari f’Għawdex.

Postmodernism – Time for self reflection

February 6, 2013 | Research

Following the Modernist era of European culture, Post-modernism is the period which encapsulated the changes that took place after the 60s.

Whilst the Modernist period was linked to the Enlightenment and the idea that the industrial world would be the ultimate solution for mankind’s troubles, the Post Modern ideology promoted self-reflection. Facing the aftereffects of war, people realised that after all, industrialisation was not necessarily a catalyst of a utopian world but an evil concept for powerful and widespread destruction.

The postmodern activists were split in two major factions. The so-called ‘reactionary postmodernists’ were the nostalgic lot. They spoke in romantic notions and criticised their contemporary world. Amongst them were those who were totally against the new technology. On the other hand, the ‘revolutionary post modernists’ were more conscious about happenings and chose to make use of the industrial progress in order to heal the trouble.

Disillusion was a major feeling expressed by the Postmodernists. Unlike the metanarrative of the Enlightenment, the belief that the technology was saving humanity was lost. Instead, a feeling of defragmentation sprouted as a reaction to globalisation. It decentralised man from his absolute thinking into the idea of multiple truths of social structures, which balance out the planetary system – a sense of relativism.

Feminism came out of this reaction against an absolute idea. It deconstructed the art story and promoted an opposition to a male-dominated culture and the capitalist structures. Feminist groups such as The Guerrilla Girls, Judy Chicago and Miriam Schapiro were major contributors to this cause.

These claims are very much relevant on a contemporary level since issues around capitalism and the lack of freedom of expression are arising within many social circles. The Western idea of politics and the educational system need to rethink the male-dominant hierarchy to halt this power struggle.

The postmodern ‘feminist’ cry for freedom is representative to contemporary thinkers and protestors who claim such human rights and stand firm in achieving equal rights.

Malta’s dominant culture through forces sustaining ideology

December 12, 2012 | Research

A local scenario and myself within it

Barthes thesis, which confronts the idea of the image being a weak and elementary medium of communication when compared to language, is truly intriguing. My eleven-year experience as a professional graphic designer keeps reminding me how images create and transmit meaning. Thus, the responsibility granted by Barthes onto the image maker becomes factual. One can discuss whether both the image-maker and the image itself can give birth to new ideologies.

The interpretation of images by the audience is directly influenced by the experience and the relationships they carry along. It is sometimes stronger than the actual language that accompanies visual imagery. And that is why the same image could have a different lasting effect within different cultures. When image is set about for debate, its subjectivity should be always scrutinised before any commentary is made.

Within a Maltese context, the lack of exposure to good art for the locals is source to uninformed/uneducated relationships. I would say the experience is many times inexistent as this is also lacking through the educational system.

Different ideologies can trigger different reactions to the same subject, imagery or interpretation of both. When the term ideology denotes a political vision, popular culture is sculptured into a terrain made of political and social significations. 

Unfortunately, censorship within our artistic scenario is still, very tangible. The idea of regulation of expression is the result of ideologies set about by a predominant Catholic Church and a Christian Democratic ruling government.

Yet, in line with German playwright Berolt Brecht, one could luckily affirm that “art is never without consequences”; Duchamp’s “fountain” which declared a rejection of the establishment of art, was an important challenge to the perceptions of people, firmly anchored within their ideologies.

Local ideology works mainly on the religious and the political fronts of society where both linguistics and imagery are used by the establishments to define the common denominators and the ‘dominant culture’. Instances through local history proved such ideologies beneficial, yet, the relevance of both conforming forces today, seem to be quite occult.

On such grounds, my art has in the past years grown sensitive towards these conspiring forces. Starting off through my writing, thus, my linguistic forces, I decided to start describing my emotions related to the local conformism to politics and religion, by using poetry. Following the introduction of social media I made a conscious decision to expose these confronting ideas of mine into public through a blog and facebook. 

I have experimented both with creating and exposing art for and through these platforms, but also to reinvent my graphical artistic expression into something that speaks of a heightened awareness in comparison to a, generally, alienated society.